Bob Wells Associates

Sino-American Relations: Amour or Les Miserables?

Posted on May 13, 2013

• China must cool the hotheads in the PLA, think tanks and blogosphere
  who yearn for more robust contention with a waning America, underrating its
  steadfast powers.
• Overly aggressive actions would subject China to severe backlash
  and forfeit useful cooperation.
• He expects China to be firm on issues of principle and overriding national interests.
• For its own sake, not as a favor to Washington, selectively pitch in on
  regional and global tasks while joining others like Russia to dilute
  American swagger and sway.
• In the longer term, when China has closed the gap, its course can veer toward
  more cooperation or more confrontation-depending of course on American attitudes and
  actions.

• Two extreme camps occupy the American debate: the apocalyptic and the apologetic.
• One sees China as a dragon to slay. Facing its growing economic and
  military power, its unsavory political system and fierce nationalism we are at the
  dawn of a global struggle with a neo Soviet Union. China is a looming enemy to
  be curbed.
• The other camp sees China as a panda to hug. Beijing has written the book
  on rapid development. Its fear of chaos is valid. Bilateral tensions can usually be
  laid at America’s door. China is a looming comrade to be indulged.

• First, thou shalt not demonize China:  It seeks to spread its authority but not topple governments. While it presses nearby claims, it does not threaten American territory. It is a competitor, sometimes unfair, but it is not a conqueror. We gain from our economic links, our joint projects, our burgeoning exchanges of tourists and students. We cooperate on many international issues.
• Second, thou shalt not sanitize China: Its suppression of freedom is brutal, becoming even more so in certain spheres. On balance, Beijing is a free rider, and derider, of the global system.
  White-washing China undercuts both its domestic reformers and the world’s
  governance.
• Third, thou shalt not inflate China
• Fourth, thou shalt not contain China: This is impossible. It would guarantee hostility, lose cooperation, divide the world and squander our resources. China is a great nation and culture. It should be treated with respect. It deserves more seats at international tables. Its return to power should be welcomed, not resisted or feared. As a policy option, containment is a nightmare.
• Fifth, thou shalt not coddle China: Striving for positive relations requires sticks and spinach as well as carrots. Beijing exploits weakness. It respects strength. When China violates trade rules,
  we should take it to court or retaliate. When it refuses visas for journalists or jams
  radios, we should reciprocate. When it hacks our computers we should impose
  sanctions. And when it snags American businessmen, artists, academics, they
  should stand up. Coddling China makes for a more dangerous world.
• Sixth, thou shalt nurture mutual confidence: Distrust haunts our engagement. Washington professes to welcome China’s rise while Beijing professes to welcome America’s role in Asia. Neither governments nor publics are converted
• Seventh, thou shalt seek common ground: The guiding principle, as always, is national self-interest.Eighth, thou shalt shape a Pacific Community. The most important strategic thrust of Obama’s first term was to elevate Asia in our foreign policy. Misperceptions persist. It is not a pivot away from Europe. It did not begin in 2010, but in January 2009. It is not primarily military, but a mix of economics, diplomacy and just plain old showing up. It is not designed to contain China, but to embrace the entire dynamic region.
• Ninth, thou shalt encourage freedom: Even the most severe critics of China’s political system admit some great leaps forward from the horrors of the Mao era. Today Chinese enjoy the freedom of silence. They also can carp privately about their plights, and some petitioners
  and media manage to press bureaucrats and boundaries on tolerable topics. They
  can compete for college, choose their jobs, travel the nation and spend more money
  abroad than any other people.
• Finally, thou shalt get thine own house in order: The last shall be first: this is the most vital commitment for all our foreign policy. Boosting growth, slashing debt, reforming immigration, investing in the future are keys to American credibility and competitiveness. How can we promote our political principles abroad when we malign them at home? It is harder to criticize the Chinese model when Beijing builds airports faster than the Big Apple plugs potholes.